Friday, 30 December 2016

Against going deep into the woods of capitalism alone

 "The current system of power is fundamentally pretty invisible to us. It resides in finance, in all sorts of new kinds of management, and within computers and the media, which involves invisible algorithms that shape and manage what information we get. I think one of the most beautiful things artists and journalists can do at this moment in time is to be sympathetic and understanding to the people who voted for Brexit and Trump, and then bring to the fore the invisible power structures that those people feel completely distanced from so that they know where power is. And do it in such a way that isn’t obscure so people like me don’t have to read it three times just to understand it. Do it in a way that really grabs ordinary people’s imaginations....This might be quite a difficult one to get over, but I think this is really important: however radical your message is as an artist, you are doing it through self-expression—the central dominant ideology of modern capitalism. And by doing that, you’re actually far from questioning the monster and pulling the monster down. You’re feeding the monster. Because the more people come to believe that self-expression is the end of everything, is the ultimate goal, the more the modern system of power becomes stronger, not weaker."



http://www.artspace.com/magazine/interviews_features/qa/adam-curtis-hypernormalisation-interview-54468

'Hypernormalisation' by Adam Curtis: full film on Youtube (2 hr 40 mins): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-fny99f8amM

Tuesday, 27 December 2016

Notes for a less anxious academic life from Carl Cederström and Michael Marinetto

Even though this is for the Professors, and most of us are not, still makes for a great read.

"If it is still true that a university job is about teaching and writing, then in this age of market fundamentalism, those two faculty roles have attained a distinct nature. Successful researchers are what Christopher Hitchens once called "micro-megalomaniacs." They have carved out a small and distinct place for themselves, over which they rule uninhibitedly. Their writing is unreadable as well as unread, neither of which is a disadvantage, because, as Russell Jacoby reminds us, "if your work is readable and is read and therefore considered journalistic — then that’s a curse." And, he added: "If no one reads it, it’s certainly not held against you."

The same goes for teaching. At least where we teach — in Britain and Sweden — being a disengaged teacher is nothing to be ashamed of at a research university. In that institutional sector, a yardstick for academic success is the distance you can maintain between yourself and the students. We’ve both received advice over the years to spend our time and effort on research, not teaching.
Meanwhile, teaching or service aspirations — say, teaching something that actually engages students, or writing something that is actually read — are not rewarded."

Read the rest at: http://www.chronicle.com/article/How-to-Live-Less-Anxiously-in/237920?cid=cp79

Sunday, 25 December 2016

Have You Seen an Indian "Mass Man"?


My seat was right behind his in the Route 107 mini bus. Dressed nattily, he took up two seats. Since the entire left hand side of his slight frame was engaged in managing an industrial-sized package, he had to hold up his tab-phone with his right hand. After ignoring a few photographs of his Facebook friends in picturesque locales, his index finger paused at a meme of Goddess Kali, bearing promises of spiritual merits rendered on ‘share’-ing. He did. More memes, photos and posts scrolled up. Then he stopped at another meme which showed the spectral impression of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s bust superimposed on a huge onrush of sea waves. The text urged to ‘share’ it for the sake of India’s development. His index finger hesitated for a few seconds, then complied.

Identified either as the ‘Bhakt’ (devotee) or as the Indian version of the fascism-ready
‘Mass Man’, (s)he unfortunately doesn’t inhabit specific ghettos and commute via designated bus routes. 


(contd...1039 words)




academia.edu PDF link: https://www.academia.edu/30606454/Have_You_Seen_an_Indian_Mass_Man_

Wednesday, 21 December 2016

Pride Walk and Rainbow Capitalism

This year Kolkata Rainbow Pride Walk was held on 11 December in which I participated. Actually it was for the third time that I participated in Pride Walk. And I cannot resist the temptation to express my views on it. The origin of pride marches can be traced back to June 28, 1969, in the US city of Manhattan when patrons of a gay club, Stonewall Inn, clashed with the police following a raid. The protests continued for a week and the event was dubbed 'Stonewall Riots'. A year later, the community carried out what's believed to be the first gay pride event, called the Christopher Street Liberation Day (CSLD) March. It was a sombre march, a far cry from what the event is today. The basic idea was to announce to the world that they existed. And there were strong voices against cultural stereotyping: the group protested outside Time magazine's office against an article terming homosexuality "shallow and unstable". Pride walks question everybody who doesn't agree with other people's way of living their lives. The pride marches do not just question stereotypes; they also celebrate all that is quirky, unacceptable and generally disconcerting. 
In educational spaces, hospitals, workplaces, residential units, queer people continue to face discrimination, physical and sexual harassment, sometimes violence leading to death. Here it is important to note that India’s rape laws have been amended to include any form of non-consensual sexual activity (in other words, any consensual sexual act is not rape). So, how does consensual sex other than peno-vaginal penetration continue to be criminalised under section 377? The central government has been openly homophobic and transphobic in its attitude towards India’s millions of queer people. The struggles of queer people are also implicated in, and in solidarity with, many other struggles and movements. Queer struggles rest on a vision of an anti-caste, queer-feminist, non-ableist, secular world – a world without military occupation and without the suppression of dissent.
Rainbow capitalism (also called pink capitalism or gay capitalism) is a term used to describe the incorporation of the LGBTIQ movement and sexual diversity to capitalism and the market economy. Specifically, the term refers to the targeted inclusion of the gay community, which has acquired sufficient purchasing power to generate a market focused specifically on them. Examples of such targeted inclusion are bars and nightclubsLGBT tourism, or specialized culture consumption. As mainstream support for LGBTQ rights becomes increasingly more accepted and championed in our culture, it is clear that we still do not know how to express empathy to LGBTQ communities without decentring the real issues. Pride is dangerously “in” these days, but increasing support from national corporations tends to drown out marginalized voices. The co-opting of the rainbow flag by corporations and banks has made it easy to show support for LGBTQ rights—but perhaps deceptively easy. Many young Americans have grown of age in a world where pride and queer identity are something to be bought. When corporations support lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender rights, they are really capitalizing on another unnamed identity: consumer. Corporate sponsors hope that when LGBTQ persons and allies embrace a spectrum of sexuality, they will also embrace their identities as patrons of Netflix, T-Mobile, ebay or Whole Foods. The Guardian notes that many of San Francisco Pride’s biggest sponsors, like Facebook and Google, contribute to the growing income inequality in Silicon Valley, while members of the LGBTQ community struggle with homelessness in skyrocketing numbers. Members of the LGBTQ community have rallied against Wells Fargo’s sponsorship in particular, criticizing the bank’s history of investing in private prisons that incarcerate LGBTQ persons, especially queer and trans people of colour, at disproportionate rates.

            In India, in Delhi Pride Walk one can notice the obvious presence of English-speaking, highly educated, elite class people. But in Kolkata there is a remarkable presence of queer people belonging to working class. In KRPF, the masks that are used are mainly handmade. But in a way or other it helps market economy to make profit from this. In cities like Delhi, pride walk has turned into elite class propaganda forgetting its primary aim that is to eliminate all sorts of discriminations. From 2009 to 2013, there were investments in Indian pride walks by various big corporate. But after the 2013 Supreme Court verdict they shied away. Government follows a double standard. On the one hand it gives permission for pride walk; on the other it oppresses queer people in every sphere of life. Our society is a heteronormative, patriarchal, capitalist one the only aim of which is to make money in whichever way possible. This society needs constant supply of human labour the source of which is reproduction. The only kind of relationship that it endorses is that between legally married couple. So, it takes the queer people to be “other”. It does not care for the rights of those people, but in some way or other uses them for its own profit. Pride Walk is a protest against this, but one thing we should keep in mind that this protest should not beget other kinds of discriminations.

Friday, 16 December 2016

translation issues #432

-->
“Das Kapitalmonopol wird zur Fessel der Produktionsweise, die mit und unter ihm aufgeblüht ist. Die Zentralisation der Produktionsmittel und die Vergesellschaftung der Arbeit erreichen einen Punkt, wo sie unverträglich werden mit ihrer kapitalistischen Hülle. Sie wird gesprengt. Die Stunde des kapitalistischen Privateigentums schlägt. Die Expropriateurs werden expropriiert” D 791

"The monopoly of capital becomes a fetter upon the mode of production, which has sprung up and flourished along with, and under it. Centralisation of the means of production and socialisation of labour at last reach a point where they become incompatible with their capitalist integument. This integument is burst asunder. The knell of capitalist private property sounds. The expropriators are expropriated" (https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch32.htm)

(http://www.amarboi.com/2011/12/karl-marx-capital.html)

so called originary accumulations

The underpinning narrative Marx develops in Capital cannot ignore India, Slavery, Colonialism, the story of the extraction of surplus value in the factories is the continuation, is co-constituted, with the plunder of India, Virginia, slavery and opium. Here are some of his commentaries:
The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest and looting of the East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins, signalised the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production. These idyllic proceedings are the chief momenta of primitive accumulation. On their heels treads the commercial war of the European nations, with the globe for a theatre. It begins with the revolt of the Netherlands from Spain, assumes giant dimensions in England’s Anti-Jacobin War, and is still going on in the opium wars against China, &c. LW 751 P915
In England at the end of the 17th century, they arrive at a systematical combination, embracing the colonies, the national debt, the modern mode of taxation LW751
On the Dutch Christians:
Of the Christian colonial system, W. Howitt, a man who makes a speciality of Christianity, says:
“The barbarities and desperate outrages of the so-called Christian race, throughout every region of the world, and upon every people they have been able to subdue, are not to be paralleled by those of any other race, however fierce, however untaught, and however reckless of mercy and of shame, in any age of the earth.” 
The history of the colonial administration of Holland — and Holland was the head capitalistic nation of the 17th century — “is one of the most extraordinary relations of treachery, bribery, massacre, and meanness” 
Nothing is more characteristic than their system of stealing men, to get slaves for Java. The men stealers were trained for this purpose. The thief, the interpreter, and the seller, were the chief agents in this trade, native princes the chief sellers. The young people stolen, were thrown into the secret dungeons of Celebes, until they were ready for sending to the slave-ships. An official report says:
“This one town of Macassar, e.g., is full of secret prisons, one more horrible than the other, crammed with unfortunates, victims of greed and tyranny fettered in chains, forcibly torn from their families.”
To secure Malacca, the Dutch corrupted the Portuguese governor. He let them into the town in 1641. They hurried at once to his house and assassinated him, to “abstain” from the payment of £21,875, the price of his treason. Wherever they set foot, devastation and depopulation followed. Banjuwangi, a province of Java, in 1750 numbered over 80,000 inhabitants, in 1811 only 18,000. Sweet commerce! (LW 752)
Yet again on the East India Company:
"The English East India Company, as is well known, obtained, besides the political rule in India, the exclusive monopoly of the tea-trade, as well as of the Chinese trade in general, and of the transport of goods to and from Europe. But the coasting trade of India and between the islands, as well as the internal trade of India, were the monopoly of the higher employés of the company. The monopolies of salt, opium, betel and other commodities, were inexhaustible mines of wealth. The employés themselves fixed the price and plundered at will the unhappy Hindus. The Governor-General took part in this private traffic. His favourites received contracts under conditions whereby they, cleverer than the alchemists, made gold out of nothing. Great fortunes sprang up like mushrooms in a day; primitive accumulation went on without the advance of a shilling. The trial of Warren Hastings swarms with such cases. Here is an instance. A contract for opium was given to a certain Sullivan at the moment of his departure on an official mission to a part of India far removed from the opium district. Sullivan sold his contract to one Binn for £40,000; Binn sold it the same day for £60,000, and the ultimate purchaser who carried out the contract declared that after all he realised an enormous gain. According to one of the lists laid before Parliament, the Company and its employés from 1757-1766 got £6,000,000 from the Indians as gifts. Between 1769 and 1770, the English manufactured a famine by buying up all the rice and refusing to sell it again, except at fabulous prices"
The ‘redskins’ (massacre of native americans)
"The treatment of the aborigines was, naturally, most frightful in plantation-colonies destined for export trade only, such as the West Indies, and in rich and well-populated countries, such as Mexico and India, that were given over to plunder. But even in the colonies properly so called, the Christian character of primitive accumulation did not belie itself. Those sober virtuosi of Protestantism, the Puritans of New England, in 1703, by decrees of their assembly set a premium of £40 on every Indian scalp and every captured red-skin: in 1720 a premium of £100 on every scalp; in 1744, after Massachusetts-Bay had proclaimed a certain tribe as rebels, the following prices: for a male scalp of 12 years and upwards £100 (new currency), for a male prisoner £105, for women and children prisoners £50, for scalps of women and children £50". (LW 753)



Thursday, 15 December 2016

Spivak on general strike and du Bois.

On the General Strike, an absolutely necessary, ‘keyword’ from Gayatri Spivak:
Gayatri’s next book is on De Bois and the General Strike.
A related post by here for the Occupy people is here:http://occupiedmedia.us/2012/02/general-strike/
Three hours worth of an early version of Spivak’s DuBois strike stuff: here:https://hutnyk.wordpress.com/…/gayatri-spivak-du-bois-and-…/
But that was when she was then still working out the book. This excerpt from a 2011 interview:
> SHAILJA PATEL
> You cited Rosa Luxemburg as one of your heroes. Will you say more about why? Who else comes to mind in your pantheon of heroes as you think about Rosa?
> GAYATRI CHAKRAVORTY SPIVAK
> Since I’ve never been asked to account for why she is one of my heroes, I don’t know. I really have no idea. I would have to rationalize that answer. But I am going to teach her, in either the fall or the spring, and it will be on a few texts of the General Strike.
> The course will be called: Some Texts From The General Strike: Reflections On The History Of An Idea. I will distinguish this from May 68, from Naxalbari, and Tahrir Square and all that stuff. I have written a little about the fact that the Tunisian example was a singular subaltern speaking – the guy who burned himself- and there was, paradoxically, a political will created by the predatory government.
> I will go first into the pre-texts of the anarchists, but even before that, Chartism. Since I don’t do 19th century novels, 18th century novels, I will find out if there is a novel of Chartism, because I’m a literature teacher. And then I will teach Sorel and Benjamin’s Critique of Violence which leans on Sorel. Then I will teach Rosa Luxemburg and Gramsci, 1905 and Turin,
> Luxemburg’s book on the mass strike, and this will be my center.
> And then I will teach Du Bois, because people said that he made a mistake in calling the exodus of the slaves when the Civil War began a general strike. I don’t think so. He was very learned, he wasn’t making a mistake. I want to see why.
> And then I will do Gandhi. Because I believe the Non-Cooperation movement is mistakenly thought of as only ahimsa, non-violence. Non-Cooperation was much more a recoding of general strike with the generalized Hindu text of ahimsa thing. So I’ll do Gandhi and maybe the Gandhi-Tagore letters as they relate to this issue.
> And then I’ll do Tillie Olsen, because her novel Tell Me A Riddle, is certainly a story of the 1905 revolution, which is what Rosa Luxemburg’s 1906 essay is on.
> So that’s my 7 weeks, and that’s how I’ll teach her.
> But as to why she’s my hero – does anyone ever know? No I don’t know. But I did put down two things. Lack of fear – yeah, I suppose, but many people are fearless. I also put in her body warmth, but I’m just – I’m really rationalizing. I don’t even want to think about why she’s my hero. One must protect one’s heroes from these kinds of questions (laughter).
_____
The rest of the interview is here, the next answer was about sex, See more at: http://www.3quarksdaily.com/…/interview-with-gayatri-chakra…

Capital 25.4 Different Forms of the Relative surplus population. The General Law of Capitalistic Accumulation

The relative surplus population exists in every possible form. Every labourer belongs to it during the time when he is only partially employed or wholly unemployed. Not taking into account the great periodically recurring forms that the changing phases of the industrial cycle impress on it, now an acute form during the crisis, then again a chronic form during dull times — it has always three forms, the floating, the latent, the stagnant.
In the centres of modern industry — factories, manufactures, ironworks, mines, &c. — the labourers are sometimes repelled, sometimes attracted again in greater masses, the number of those employed increasing on the whole, although in a constantly decreasing proportion to the scale of production. Here the surplus population exists in the floating form.
In the automatic factories, as in all the great workshops, where machinery enters as a factor, or where only the modern division of labour is carried out, large numbers of boys are employed up to the age of maturity. When this term is once reached, only a very small number continue to find employment in the same branches of industry, whilst the majority are regularly discharged. This majority forms an element of the floating surplus population, growing with the extension of those branches of industry. Part of them emigrates, following in fact capital that has emigrated. One consequence is that the female population grows more rapidly than the male, teste England. That the natural increase of the number of labourers does not satisfy the requirements of the accumulation of capital, and yet all the time is in excess of them, is a contradiction inherent to the movement of capital itself. It wants larger numbers of youthful labourers, a smaller number of adults. The contradiction is not more glaring than that other one that there is a complaint of the want of hands, while at the same time many thousands are out of work, because the division of labour chains them to a particular branch of industry. [21]
The consumption of labour power by capital is, besides, so rapid that the labourer, half-way through his life, has already more or less completely lived himself out. He falls into the ranks of the supernumeraries, or is thrust down from a higher to a lower step in the scale. It is precisely among the work-people of modern industry that we meet with the shortest duration of life. Dr. Lee, Medical Officer of Health for Manchester, stated
“that the average age at death of the Manchester ... upper middle class was 38 years, while the average age at death of the labouring class was 17; while at Liverpool those figures were represented as 35 against 15. It thus appeared that the well-to-do classes had a lease of life which was more than double the value of that which fell to the lot of the less favoured citizens.” [22]
In order to conform to these circumstances, the absolute increase of this section of the proletariat must take place under conditions that shall swell their numbers, although the individual elements are used up rapidly. Hence, rapid renewal of the generations of labourers (this law does not hold for the other classes of the population). This social need is met by early marriages, a necessary consequence of the conditions in which the labourers of modern industry live, and by the premium that the exploitation of children sets on their production. 
As soon as capitalist production takes possession of agriculture, and in proportion to the extent to which it does so, the demand for an agricultural labouring population falls absolutely, while the accumulation of the capital employed in agriculture advances, without this repulsion being, as in non-agricultural industries, compensated by a greater attraction. Part of the agricultural population is therefore constantly on the point of passing over into an urban or manufacturing proletariat, and on the look-out for circumstances favourable to this transformation. (Manufacture is used here in the sense of all non-agricultural industries.) [23] This source of relative surplus population is thus constantly flowing. But the constant flow towards the towns pre-supposes, in the country itself, a constant latent surplus population, the extent of which becomes evident only when its channels of outlet open to exceptional width. The agricultural labourer is therefore reduced to the minimum of wages, and always stands with one foot already in the swamp of pauperism.
The third category of the relative surplus population, the stagnant, forms a part of the active labour army, but with extremely irregular employment. Hence it furnishes to capital an inexhaustible reservoir of disposable labour power. Its conditions of life sink below the average normal level of the working class; this makes it at once the broad basis of special branches of capitalist exploitation. It is characterised by maximum of working-time, and minimum of wages. We have learnt to know its chief form under the rubric of “domestic industry.” It recruits itself constantly from the supernumerary forces of modern industry and agriculture, and specially from those decaying branches of industry where handicraft is yielding to manufacture, manufacture to machinery. Its extent grows, as with the extent and energy of accumulation, the creation of a surplus population advances. But it forms at the same time a self-reproducing and self-perpetuating element of the working class, taking a proportionally greater part in the general increase of that class than the other elements. In fact, not only the number of births and deaths, but the absolute size of the families stand in inverse proportion to the height of wages, and therefore to the amount of means of subsistence of which the different categories of labourers dispose. This law of capitalistic society would sound absurd to savages, or even civilised colonists. It calls to mind the boundless reproduction of animals individually weak and constantly hunted down. [24]
The lowest sediment of the relative surplus population finally dwells in the sphere of pauperism. Exclusive of vagabonds, criminals, prostitutes, in a word, the “dangerous” classes, this layer of society consists of three categories. First, those able to work. One need only glance superficially at the statistics of English pauperism to find that the quantity of paupers increases with every crisis, and diminishes with every revival of trade. Second, orphans and pauper children. These are candidates for the industrial reserve army, and are, in times of great prosperity, as 1860, e.g., speedily and in large numbers enrolled in the active army of labourers. Third, the demoralised and ragged, and those unable to work, chiefly people who succumb to their incapacity for adaptation, due to the division of labour; people who have passed the normal age of the labourer; the victims of industry, whose number increases with the increase of dangerous machinery, of mines, chemical works, &c., the mutilated, the sickly, the widows, &c. Pauperism is the hospital of the active labour-army and the dead weight of the industrial reserve army. Its production is included in that of the relative surplus population, its necessity in theirs; along with the surplus population, pauperism forms a condition of capitalist production, and of the capitalist development of wealth. It enters into the faux frais of capitalist production; but capital knows how to throw these, for the most part, from its own shoulders on to those of the working class and the lower middle class.
The greater the social wealth, the functioning capital, the extent and energy of its growth, and, therefore, also the absolute mass of the proletariat and the productiveness of its labour, the greater is the industrial reserve army. The same causes which develop the expansive power of capital, develop also the labour power at its disposal. The relative mass of the industrial reserve army increases therefore with the potential energy of wealth. But the greater this reserve army in proportion to the active labour army, the greater is the mass of a consolidated surplus population, whose misery is in inverse ratio to its torment of labour. The more extensive, finally, the lazarus layers of the working class, and the industrial reserve army, the greater is official pauperism. This is the absolute general law of capitalist accumulation. Like all other laws it is modified in its working by many circumstances, the analysis of which does not concern us here.
The folly is now patent of the economic wisdom that preaches to the labourers the accommodation of their number to the requirements of capital. The mechanism of capitalist production and accumulation constantly effects this adjustment. The first word of this adaptation is the creation of a relative surplus population, or industrial reserve army. Its last word is the misery of constantly extending strata of the active army of labour, and the dead weight of pauperism.

Shopping is Civil War – in Hate Mag.

Not completely unrelated to today:

Arbeit – Freizeit – Schlaf ist das scheinbar in Stein gemeißelte Triumvirat des idealen Alltags im Kapitalismus. Der Mensch stellt seine Arbeitskraft zur Verfügung, um existenzielle Bedürfnisse zu befriedigen, aber auch um sich Sachen leisten zu können, die ihn in seiner Freizeit von der zu ablenken, damit er möglichst schnell wieder bereit für selbige ist. Der britische Kulturwissenschaftler John Hutnyks hat sich in seinem Aufsatz Shopping is Civil War anhand unterschiedlicher Musikvideos mit dem Irrsinn des Shoppings in der warenförmigen Gesellschaft beschäftigt:

SHOPPING IS CIVIL WAR
By John Hutnyk
Six supermarkets featured in six music videos. In different ways, I can see why these clips go together and it is not merely arbitrary. It worries me that all my life seems headed for the aisles; shopping surrounds me with monstrous collections of commodities.

Read the rest here

image

The Chapatti Story

Asked about this, so in case its obscure, the chapatti story is online:

The Chapatti Story from Contemporary South Asia 2003;

Cheers, John

Wednesday, 14 December 2016

Emotional Labour

In relation to tomorrow's assigned reading, I was thinking about and browsing a thread on Emotional Labour that was hosted on Metafilter and went viral at the time of posting. It is available both in its original form and as a somewhat condensed pdf.
The original post (and most of the comments) look at the unpaid, usually unacknowledged emotional labour performed by women in informal, interpersonal relationships, primarily for the men who comprise the other part of such relationships.

We are all very anxious

This article appeared year before las on the Plan C site. Was anonymous, but very widely discussed:


Six Theses on Anxiety and Why It is Effectively Preventing Militancy, and One Possible Strategy for Overcoming It 1
read here

Sunday, 11 December 2016

Film roles

Another email discussion worth migrating to here in case anyone else has comments on this.

Bishakha:
Hello John,
I have thought of doing my work on gender roles in Indian cinema, especially in Bollywood movies. I am interested to see the transitions replicated through celluloid over a couple of decades or a little more. The reinforcement of gender stereotypes or challenging it entirely through a mass media of communication can have significant implications, I guess. Invite your suggestions on it.
Regards, Bishakha
 John:
Hi. super interesting topic. 

I am keen to talk about this in the class in the coming days.I cannot immediately think of readings specifically on it - though there are classics, I would mine the bibliography in books on Bollywood by Amit Rai, and Virdi - and ask Abhijit who will be able to rattle off half a dozen things - also check the Films Studies dept at jadavpur, whose journal is brilliant - Journal of the Moving Image. Also see M. Madhava Prasad's books Ideology of the Hindi Film and his latest Cine-politics: Film Stars and Political Existence in South India. I reviewed the latter for South Asia journal and that will be out in a few months - it has a small section on Jayalitha, but actually not enough. Also I was just preparing an abstract on the changes over time in Bollywood films, especially regarding men and women as personifications of national aspiration - though I have not developed the gender roles as the only focus, they really apply when we think of the different eras and styles presented by Nargis, Mumtaz and Twinkle Kapadia. What do you think of this for a possible talk (its a talk that probably won't happen, besides in our class, but hey):

Mela – three steps towards Global South Asia This paper considers the social mediation of market and nation in Indian cinema since independence, using three different editions of the film Mela, each from a different historical moment (Mela 1948, dir., S.U. Sunny and starring Nargis and Dilip Kumar, music by Naushad; Mela 1971, dir., Prakash Mehra, and starring Mumtaz, Feros and Sanjay Khan, music by R.D. Burman; and Mela 2000, dir., Dharmesh Darshan, starring Twinkle Khanna, Aamir and Faisal Khan, music varies [in style and quality]). Adorno, in a letter to Benjamin, understands social mediation to be lacking in the latter’s Arcade’s presentation. To return to this discourse, alongside mediation of nation and economic pressures, revives a critical heritage with a salient contemporary charge for media studies. It also frames this social mediation in relation to world perspectives on Indian cinema and media representation more widely, through music,  diaspora, terror and in relation to an emergent concept of Global South Asia. John Hutnyk

Bishakha
Hi John,
Thanks a ton, you added to a whole new perception. As I'm keen to do my PhD on women criminals-their post release conditions determining social acceptance and incidences contributing to the increasing rate of recidivism, gender is something that interests me a lot. We can surely have a talk on this. I think there are other group of actresses too- Jaya Bachchan, Shabana  Azmi, Smita  Patil to Tabu, Rani Mukherjee, Vidya Balan. They all have wrecked havoc to break the stereotypes in their respective eras.
The suggestions that you made are fantastic. Especially, the one relating to the three Melas. Although, I have only watched the latest one amongst the all three. I would try getting resources from those books and journals you mentioned. But then, the time is short. I fear I won't get access to the most of them by this. I also thought once about working on terrorism as endorsed in the Bollywood mainstream movies. Gadar (2001) is one such example.
Thanks
Bishakha
This is going to be of immense help. I will look for the online versions and try accordingly incorporating some of these into my work. Have a good day:) 

John
Great stuff. Now I've put the references in the comments. It is by no means an exhaustive list, but one I had handy.. Blogger could not cope with it in one comment. Cheers.